Roberto Bouzas

The challenges faced by developing countries and sustainable development regarding global economic governance are not substantially different from those faced by the developed world. In fact, both groups of countries share common challenges.

The first and most urgent challenge is to revive the multilateral trade regime. In the last half century, trade has been the policy area in which the international community has made the most strident progress towards cooperation. In the last decade, however, the effectiveness of the international trade regime has eroded under the weight of a changing international and domestic landscape (a new balance of power, an expanded membership, the emergence of new constituencies, and the development of uncharted regulatory areas). These structural transformations were underway well in advance of the financial crisis, but a creeping recession and mounting protectionist pressures have sharply deepened existing tensions.

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Guest blogger Shuaihua Cheng provides a Chinese perspective on global trade governance and the economic crisis, focusing on the upside of a downturn.

The most critical problem facing global trade governance at this moment is that we have focused too much on problems at the World Trade Organization (WTO). It is dangerous to disregard the fact that the WTO has functioned well as a stabilizer of basic global economic order amidst economic turmoil.

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Guest blogger Yash Tandon sets out a forward-looking agenda for global trade governance and sustainable development from a Southern perspective.

The world’s multilateral negotiations on trade and on sustainable development over the last decade yield two important lessons for the multilateral system.

The first lesson concerns the interconnectedness of things: trade, security, employment, human rights, development, terrorism, migration, poverty, climate change are all interconnected. For the developing countries of the South, trade and climate change are a dual facet of their continuing sustainable development challenges.

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Guest blogger Richard Higgott sets out the challenges and priorities for G-20 leaders to contain the spread of the financial crisis to the trade sector.

The governance of global trade and the international trade regime will clearly be affected by the fallout from the current wider economic and financial turmoil. Enhanced global economic policy coordination is needed. Existing institutions do not currently offer enough – in either sufficient quantity or quality. Amidst efforts to stabilise the global economy, the multilateral trade system is threatened by the perception that globalization has been tarnished by speculative investment and other excesses in financial markets seeking ever larger profits at the expense of sound business practice.

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President Obama’s chief of staff, Rahm Emmanuel, is famous for saying that we should “never let a good crisis go to waste”. And let’s make no mistake about it, we are in crisis. While the world’s attention is largely focused on the financial meltdown, with a side order of climate change, we may soon need to face up to the fact that we are living what Australian environmental business expert Paul Gilding calls “The Great Disruption” – the confluence of a major economic breakdown and the unraveling of the global environment. And, while our leaders are busily wheeling out stimulus packages in a desperate attempt to kick-start the faltering economy, the same is not possible for the global environment. In the words of Glen Prickett of Conservation International: “Mother Nature doesn’t do bailouts”.

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Even though the global economic crisis is far from over and may unfold in hitherto unexpected ways, the interests of developing countries, especially as they relate to the multilateral trading system, have definitely been implicated in ways that ought to force a rethink of national priorities. The purpose of this note is to identify a number of matters where crisis-related considerations should alter national calculations.

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Bold trade and financial initiatives will be required to control the damage that the current crisis imposes on developing countries and to assure their economic recovery. At the highest level, the G20 will need to consolidate its position as a forum where substantive coordinating efforts can take place. A positive, concrete, action agenda needs to replace the emphasis on declarations of principle and the reassertion of willingness to cooperate. In addition to these efforts to provide substance to the agenda, two political challenges must be faced. The first is how to consolidate in developed countries a view that the enhanced role of the G20 over that of the G8 should become a permanent feature of global economic governance rather than a stop gap maintained only during the crisis. The second, similarly daunting challenge, is one of ensuring that developing countries are convinced that their interests are adequately represented by the developing countries that are G20 members.

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Trade is one of the first casualties of a global economic crisis. We saw this happen during the Great Depression, after the oil shocks of the 1970s, in the early 1980s, and now the first contraction in global trade since 1982. A reformed and robust trade monitoring system should be among the top priorities for world leaders meeting in London in April and beyond. Many argue that the priority for governments should be to ‘fix’ the crisis first; reforming the governance of the global trade (and financial) system could come later. That would indeed be a mistaken strategy and a lost opportunity. It would be mistaken because better trade monitoring could determine the difference between a coordinated response and a deepening crisis. It would be a lost opportunity for reform because the current crisis sharply exposes the deficiencies in trade governance, which if tolerated any longer would only serve to delegitimise a rule-based trade system.

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The motto of the G20 leader’s forthcoming London Summit is “Stability Growth Jobs.” The world economy is producing an insufficient amount of all three of these economic virtues and so it is appropriate for powerful governments to get together in London to try to improve and coordinate their social, economic, and environmental policies.

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In the last 30 years since the onset of the Chinese open economic reform program, the world has experienced profound systemic shifts, with arguably more in the past two centuries. Much of this change/transformation has had highly positive impacts. The misnamed “emerging economies,” many of which in fact are old civilizations with long histories of sustained and dynamic trading activities, have definitively ended the long period of exclusive Western global economic dominance. As the global market has expanded well beyond anyone’s imagination, the world, especially the developing world, has experienced unprecedented rates of growth. However, as Jean-François Rischard has argued in his compelling book High Noon: Twenty Global Problems – Twenty Years to Solve Them (2002), while markets and new information technologies experienced exponential change, the development of institutions and mentalities has been linear at best. This dissonance is at the origin of the gaping global governance gap that characterises the world today; it is well illustrated by the continued failure of the WTO Doha Round negotiations, extending over eight years-in fact, for virtually the whole of the 21st century to date! This is not an auspicious first decade to a new century.

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